Patrick Webb, Global Nutritionist Takes Lead at Cornell

July 11, 2026   Patrick Webb, the world’s leading expert about nutrition science, food aid, famine and resilience this week began a new step in his lengthy career.  Webb just joined Cornell University on July 1, 2026, as the inaugural Executive Director of the new Ashley School of Global Development and the Environment in Cornell’s well-known College of Agriculture and Life Sciences (CALS). he will the school’s intellectual identity, global visibility, and interdisciplinary academic programs.

He had been the lead nutritionist at USAID until its disappearance a year ago, after having led various key food/nutrition research/learning programs for USAID at Tufts University’s School of Nutrition.  This included the breakthrough program, the Food Aid Quality Review.  At Tufts, he served as Dean for Academic Affairs at the Friedman School from 2005 to 2014. He also led Tufts’ Food Systems for Nutrition Innovation Lab.

In past periods, he was the lead nutritionist in the U.N.’s largest food aid organization, the World Food Programme, global advisor to a range of UN technical groups, and famine research scholar at the International Food Policy Research Institute.  Hunger Notes reviewed one of his books about famine at: https://www.worldhunger.org/famine-in-africa-causes-responses-and-prevention/  He also edited a 2001 book about Women
Farmers:
Enhancing

Rights,
Recognition
and
Productivity.
(Frankfurt,
Germany:
Lang
Verlag.)

In 2024, he was awarded the Jean-Pierre Habicht Lifetime Achievement in Global Nutrition Research Award by the American Society for Nutrition.  This is appropriate in that Habicht spent most of his career as Cornell’s leading global nutritionist.  Another winner of that award was Cornell professor Gretel Pelto, who was Habicht’s wife, for whom Hunger Notes published an obituary last year.

Webb has been prolific in bridging gaps between academia, science and practice, working with aid organizations.  He has authored more than 200 peer-reviewed journal articles

Last year Webb spoke about global health on an instagram interview.

More recently, he was interviewed in a Food Tank video — https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kAOBfQhH2rQ . Webb was asked what his work entailed at USAID that most people don’t understand.  “USAID was backstopping what governments or civil society were doing on the ground.” “USAID was playing a broker role in rebuilding Tigray… to design a viable plan forward.  … So much training went on of institutions and governments.  Finally, the ability to measure.  one of the reasons we won’t see impact…  that’s gone, a hit to science and progress.”  He emphasized how the loss of USAID meant the “loss of systems” and “the ability to shape ideas.”  He explained how most of what USAID has focused on for most of its history is building up local capacities, such as in ministries of health, agriculture, finance.

 

-Contributed by World Hunger Education Service Board member, Steven Hansch

 

Reuters Analyzes Global Vulnerability to Fertilizer Prices & Hunger

July 10, 2026     Reuters news service posted a new infographic-rich analysis of how the world became dependent on fertilizer trade and the risks of Middle East conflict to world hunger at:  https://www.reuters.com/graphics/IRAN-WAR/FERTILIZER/zjvqgwgakvx/

“The Iran War threatened a food crisis.  The next Gulf conflict could do the same:  Modern farming depends on cheap fertilizer. The war made fertilizer more expensive, with ships trapped, fertilizer plants shut down, farmers panicking and world food production thrown into peril”  By , ,  and .

The authors cite Vaclav Smil about how the world’s food production seen enormous gains in food production over a relatively short period of history, thanks to the processing of nitrogen into ammonia and then urea to fertilize croplands. (see Hunger Notes review of Smil’s book about global food).  Reuters traces the history of trade and the chemical processes for generating fertilizer.

Reuter’s analysis explains why India, Africa, Brazil and other countries were the most vulnerable to this year’s sharp increases in fertilizer pricing.  Reuters agrees with the Financial Times, as well as Hunger Notes articles that came immediately after the war in the Middle East began, and after seeing the price changes.    Other analysts have pointed out that 35% of global crude oil exports, 20% of LNG exports, 20-30% of global fertilizer exports, and about 50% of global sulfur exports transit the strait of Hormuz, pictured above. Nitrogen fertilizer is more exposed as Gulf countries are major producers of nitrogen fertilizers, which depend on natural gas burned at high pressure to synthesize ammonia.  Fertilizer producers in other countries also lack key feedstock inputs from the Middle East.

In terms of increases in malnutrition, the World Economic Forum describes this as a staged shock: it begins with energy-price spikes and logistics disruptions, moves to fertilizer shortages, then lower yields, with delayed transmission eventually producing higher food prices and market volatility months later.  Cereal producers could face income losses of up to 5% in 2026, with effects lasting through 2030.

The Reuters analysis concludes that “The Iran war supply shock and the El Nino weather pattern could keep prices high for some time to come, a strain for vulnerable populations struggling to meet their daily needs.”

-Reported by WHES board member, Steven Hansch

U.S. Food Aid (Part 1): Reflections about Food Aid by Long-Term Practitioner

July 7, 2026    by Mara Russell     This is the first in a series of articles by Hunger Notes about the U.S. Food for Peace (FFP) Program.  “Food for Peace Title II Non-Emergency Programs: What are they and Why are they needed?”

In the United States, government-funded “Food for Peace” (FFP) programs  transitioned from USAID to the State Department when the former agency was dissolved  in 2025. Several months later, the Food for Peace program was transferred to the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA), a large federal agency that had not managed this program previously. Soon after this transition, $452 million in FFP resources was awarded directly to the U.N. World Food Programme (WFP) for food activities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), El Salvador, Ethiopia, Guatemala, Haiti, Kenya and Rwanda.[i]

Then, as recently reported in Hunger Notes, in 2026, USDA released a “Notice of Funding Opportunity” for nonprofits (NGOs) for new Emergency Food for Peace programs, naming the same set of countries that were eligible for food assistance.  These upcoming programs are scheduled to be worth $357 million in total.[ii]  Since a total of $1.2 billion was appropriated by Congress for Food for Peace in FY26,[iii], USDA is now considering how to implement the rest of the funding for “development” or non-emergency food programs, referred to during the past seven years as Resilience Food Security Activities or “RFSAs.”[iv].

One critical variable that non-emergency programs have leveraged during recent cycles of USG funding is timeframe. These NGO-administered programs are generally five years in length, while emergency programs only last for a maximum of two years. Emergency programs are designed to address the impacts of acute (wasting) malnutrition and severe food insecurity. Resources in emergency programs are provided to address short- to medium- term impacts of a severe shock. This can be due to a natural disaster such as an earthquake, a severe storm, drought, or  severe conflict. The spread of an epidemic or pandemic disease can also result in such impacts, either due to a breakdown of production and markets, or due to people being at greater risk of malnutrition due to the impacts of a disease. Or shocks can result from a combination of several things.

On the other hand, non-emergency programs focus on preventing emergencies.   They address the underlying causes of hunger that tend to become more serious when conditions are such that food supplies become limited, or people lose access to food due to the types of shocks outlined above. These underlying causes, such as poverty, cultivation practices that result in poor yields, inadequate services or limited safety-nets that result in food insecurity and malnutrition, lack of income earning opportunities, poor access to water for agriculture and for drinking and inadequate sanitation that can cause water-borne disease- a significant underlying cause of acute and chronic malnutrition, lack of attention to the special nutrition needs of women of childbearing age, pregnant women and young children, and lack of capacity to prepare for potential shocks that impact food security and nutrition. These are complex issues that call for a combination of access to goods and services, while adopting of behaviors and practices within households.  Programs also ensure that the food consumed meets the standards of a healthy diet, prevent water-borne disease, and build resilience to unexpected shocks.

This takes time. There is a limit to what can be done in only one or two years. This is especially the case because according to the 2026 USDA Emergency funding opportunity, it takes between 45 and 90 days from the award of a program until food aid from the Food for Peace program can be exported from the United States, and then up to another 6 months for commodities to arrive in the country where they will be distributed.[v]

A second factor has to do with geography.  Emergency food aid programs are in countries and locations where there is an active ongoing shock, and large concentrations of people, including refugees and internally displaced people, living in a situation of extreme food and nutrition insecurity that should be addressed immediately.  Identification of these locations is guided by early warning systems or methodologies that classify people based on the degree to which they are currently food insecure or malnourished. The system that tends to be most respected internationally is the U.N.’s Integrated Phase Classification or IPC system. During its existence, USAID utilized this system, and now USDA is using it also as a way of designating where and among whom an emergency program should be implemented. In its recent funding request, USDA stated that a minimum of 20% of the population to be targeted with food aid should be living at IPC 3 or higher. The IPC classifies populations at levels 1 through 5 based on the severity of food insecurity as follows: 1 = None/Minimal, 2 = Stressed, 3 = Crisis, 4 = Emergency and 5 = Famine. The “shorthand” clarification used for those populations needing immediate assistance are those at IPC 3+.[vi]

However, non-emergency programs aim to reduce the likelihood that people living in a particular geographic area will experience conditions at or above IPC 3. Countries prioritized for these programs may already have sizeable populations at IPC 3+, but there may not be significant active shock conditions causing this situation. Sometimes, populations may be at IPC 3+ due to a shock that has previously increased food insecurity and malnutrition. For instance, after the Haiti earthquake in 2010, there were emergency programs that addressed food insecurity, malnutrition, reconstruction and access to food for the people impacted by this shock.  However, by 2013, many of the immediate impacts of the quake, such as food insecurity and displacement were initially addressed, but there was a need to address long-term root causes of malnutrition and vulnerability.  At that time USAID implemented a non-emergency program that sought to address these underlying causes and increase the ability of the country to cope with severe shocks.[vii]

Many countries where non-emergency programs are implemented experience cyclical shocks that recur on a periodic basis. They do not always exist in shock situations but may be impacted by droughts or floods during serious weather events, such as El Niño or La Niña events. During the El Niño event in 2023-2024, most of the harvest of the country of Zimbabwe was ruined due to inadequate and poorly timed rainfall.[viii]  However, on-going non-emergency programs continued to increase yields, increase incomes and reduce malnutrition, while emergency programs supported households and communities as necessary with additional food and other emergency assistance. Most of these countries also experience an annual “hunger season”, which tends to occur anywhere from 3-6 months prior to the next harvest when food stocks and cash earned from the prior harvest have been depleted.  Thus, while non-emergency programs are not implemented in contexts where active shocks occur, they may be targeted within fragile environments where hunger seasons make life very tenuous for people living in those geographies.

Another important element in these programs are the participants who are targeted. In emergency programs, large portions of the population are highly vulnerable due to the impacts of a disaster, such as an earthquake, a hurricane or other cyclonic storm, or severe conflict. In these cases, those targeted for assistance may have been displaced, or otherwise lost everything – including their health. In such emergency situations, it does not matter whether people were rich or poor prior to such shocks.

However, Title II non-emergency program participants tend to be those who are poorest, receive the fewest services, and are at greatest risk of malnutrition and food insecurity.  Often the focus is on those who have the least to fall back on when shocks occur and tend to be those most impacted by annual hunger seasons and other severe shocks.  A case in point is the Ethiopia Productive Safety-Net Program (PSNP), which has been supported by Title II non-emergency food aid since its inception in 2005.[ix] The PSNP targets people who are impacted by the annual hunger season through a Cash or Food for Assets (FFA) activity that creates a safety-net during the period of greatest vulnerability in normal years while developing assets that communities can use during good years and fall back on in bad years. The PSNP is supported by the Ethiopian government as well as several other donors. During normal years, a certain number of households are targeted for the program based on their chronic food insecurity and malnutrition. However, during years when poor crop yields and impacts increase the number of households needing food assistance, the number of households targeted increases to also address the needs of those who would not normally be included in the PSNP program.

In addition to selecting participants based on their food insecurity, there is a difference between how emergency and non-emergency programs select participants when it comes to malnutrition. In the case of emergency programs, care is taken to address the needs of people who are acutely malnourished, mainly children under 5 and pregnant and lactating women. In the case of emergency programs, acute malnutrition, in which the body loses weight rapidly, becomes a major risk. Moderate acute malnutrition exists when body weight for height among children under 5 falls below 2 standard deviations from the global mean, and severe acute malnutrition exists when this falls to 3 standard deviations below the mean.  If the rate of wasting malnutrition in a population reaches or exceeds 10%, this is deemed a humanitarian emergency requiring immediate rehabilitation using ready to use therapeutic and supplementary foods  that provide concentrations of fat, calories, protein and other nutrients all aimed at ensuring survival and rapid weight gain. Women of childbearing age, including those who are pregnant or breastfeeding as well as men also benefit from rehabilitation with RUTF or ready to use supplementary foods (RUSF), designed to also rehabilitate people in these conditions. These products are available via Title II.

However, in the case of non-emergency programs, participants are targeted based on the rate of “Stunting”, or chronic malnutrition, which exists when height-for-age among children under the age of 5 falls below 2 standard deviations under the global mean. The logic behind this is that there are milestones for linear growth that children need to reach before the age of 2 to avoid being developmentally disabled and to ensure a healthy life. Infants and young children under age 2 in this condition can recover from this and their linear growth can catch up to normal levels before they reach age 2.  However, after these children reach age 2, it becomes extremely difficult for their growth to catch up.  It is possible for a child to be both chronically and acutely malnourished (also known as “wasted”). It is also possible for stunted children not to be wasted and wasted children not to be stunted. However, there are certainly connections between these different types of malnutrition.  Nonetheless, stunting and wasting are indicative of different situations based on how and when they occur within the population. High levels of acute malnutrition indicate the existence of an acute shock as it does not take long for children to become acutely malnourished. This occurs when children are deprived of the food they need for a period of days or weeks (at most). However, it can take a long time for a child to become stunted. Children become stunted because they lack sufficient nutrients in their diet (both macro- and micro-nutrients) to fulfill their daily requirements. It takes months for a child to become stunted, and it also takes a long time for them to overcome this problem. If there are a lot of stunted children in the population, this indicate that the population is chronically food insecure and poor.

Thus, non-emergency Title II programs target populations with high chronic malnutrition rates among children under 5 as this is a clear red flag that there is a significant poverty and food insecurity problem within these populations. Targeting participants from these areas indicates that while there may not an active shock situation, there may still be a lot of food insecurity – which left unaddressed – could lead to more serious problems.  People living in these contexts are on the edge, and one missed harvest due to a storm or drought or earthquake or locust swarm or violent attack could result in them becoming part of the emergency case load of Title II programs.

Non-emergency Title II programs focus on ensuring that infants are exclusively breastfed until they are six months old, and that beyond that time their diets consist of the types of diverse foods that children of their age need to meet their linear growth milestones by age two. At the same, these programs  also address the underlying causes of chronic malnutrition. They train mothers to feed their children properly, including exclusive breastfeeding, take care to prevent water-borne disease through handwashing and use of clean water. At the same time, these programs recognize that mothers will be unable to feed their children the types of food they need if they are not able to produce or purchase it throughout the year. Raising these issues among all community members can build support and solidarity to ensure that children’s and women’s dietary needs are met. In addition, creation of clean water access and sanitation – including installation of accessible working water points and household latrines – support practices such as frequent handwashing with soap, and reduction of open defecation. These practices in turn reduce water-borne disease from hindering the absorption of the nutritious food being consumed. And, integrating these practices into people’s lives takes a long time, thus the longer timeframe of these programs is critical.

Non-emergency programs also provide a few more benefits that make them important to reduce the emergency caseload of Title II. They target countries and regions that are fragile and shock prone. They can detect changes in conditions,  both positive and negative, which can reduce time lags on responses. If the number of acutely malnourished children begins to escalate – this could easily occur within the areas where populations are most food insecure. If harvests begin to fail due to weather impacts, many farmers in the geography where the program is implemented (they may or may not be participants) will experience these conditions first.  The presence of an implementer (NGO) in these areas can ensure the monitoring of IPC levels, levels of acute malnutrition, impacts on harvests and prevalence of diseases – including those that are water-borne.

At the same time, these programs seek to enable participants to anticipate and cope better with the types of shocks that normally impact these geographic areas. Reviewing the history of the targeted population, it is possible to learn more about the major shocks that typically impact them, and they are sometimes cyclical. For instance, locust swarms may occur every so often in parts of East Africa. Working with communities likely to be impacted by these swarms during years when they don’t occur to prepare for when the locusts return will help participants to cope more effectively when this happens. There are now many agricultural technologies that enable farmers to adapt to drought. This could range from water-harvesting, to irrigation, to use of drought-adopted seeds, to reorienting productive systems through methods such as Resilient Design and Perma-gardening.[x]  The last two types of systems prevented farmers from losing their crops during the El Niño drought event in Zimbabwe mentioned above.[xi] It was a non-emergency Title II programs that provided training to farmers to enable them to maintain their crops in the face of this severe drought.

Finally, one of the key underlying causes of food insecurity is poverty.  Farmers may depend on their crops for food, but they need cash to fall back on when their crops fail, and they need to purchase food from markets. Also, for farmers to maintain their land and plant crops, they need cash for inputs and often to pay for land,  either as the owner or as a renter or lease holder.  It also costs money for children to attend school, and it costs money to get to markets, visit health centers, buy fertilizers and crop-protection products. Maintaining water points and latrines can also cost money because spare parts and their installation is not free. And when the program is over after five years of investment, ensuring that people not only achieve but also sustain their food security will mean that people have a secure source of cash and savings to fall back on.  Otherwise, closing the program will be commensurate to a shock for those who have benefitted from it.

A methodology that has proven itself over the years, and within the past nine years in Title II non-emergency programs has been the Graduation Approach.[xii]  Developed and initiated by BRAC in Bangladesh, this approach has been tested throughout the world in fragile contexts where large numbers of poor and food insecure people live.[xiii] The approach targets extremely poor people, provides them with food assistance safety-nets  and then links them to a savings and loan group where they meet others in their situation and obtain peer group support. At the same time, they are provided training in a livelihood opportunity for which there is demand within their context. This livelihood training could be agricultural (crops or livestock) or non-agricultural in nature and offers people the opportunity to become employed or operate their own business. After their training is complete, participants  receive small grants or assets (such as equipment or animals) that enable them to start their activities until they become viable. During this time, they continue to receive coaching and mentoring so that they can be successful within their chosen livelihood. They also receive training and support with respect to nutrition, water and sanitation and learn to anticipate and respond effectively to shocks. The Graduation Approach has been shown to ensure a high return on investment and results are sustained over time after the end of the program.[xiv]

Now that the program has moved to USDA, the leadership is reviewing the program and will likely make changes that will increase the cost  of food and ocean freight versus what is provided to those in need.[xv]  The recent Emergency Program set of funding opportunities stipulated that at least 50% of program budgets must be devoted to commodities and ocean freight.[xvi] This reduced the funding that could be provided to internal transportation storage and handling to distribute commodities. It also reduced the funds that could be provided for technical interventions such as monitoring of severe food insecurity and levels of acute malnutrition, training mothers about how to monitor and refer their children, and enabling technical interventions that will help people to recover from emergency situations. It is possible that the same 50% requirement may be put in place by USDA for future Non-Emergency Programs, and this could reduce the resources available to enable the sustainable improvement of food security and nutrition in extremely poor and fragile contexts as described above.

Changes in the legislation over the years made it possible to integrate international disaster assistance funds  with emergency Food for Peace programs enabling the use of cash, vouchers and local, regional and international procurement  to ensure that the right resources were available at the right time to address peoples’ needs. This prevented the need to wait 6 – 8  months for U.S. commodities to arrive in country to begin addressing acute malnutrition.  As noted above, the impact of acute malnutrition is rapid and if not addressed quickly will lead to death.

Similarly, U.S. legislative changes enabled the coordinated use of Development Assistance funds with non-emergency Food for Peace programs, which covered the cost of the complex interventions discussed above. These resources also provided the opportunity for programs to transition people away from dependence on U.S. food aid and foreign assistance.  While food aid has been important for non-emergency programs to build stability for those suffering chronic food insecurity, we will not ultimately accomplish Title II’s objectives if people remain dependent on food aid at the end of each program.

As global conditions worsened around the turn of the century, the need for emergency food aid programs increased around the world.  These needs began to reduce the funds available to pay for non-emergency programs. Thus, in the 2008 U.S. Farm Bill, a Non-Emergency “Safe Box” was integrated into Title II legislation to establish minimum funding to ensure that these programs could continue to be implemented. Currently $365 million is designated for the implementation of these programs.  $700 million of USG  funding from FY26 and FY27 allocations may be made available soon for these programs.[xvii]

While much remains unclear about the future of U.S. Title II non-emergency food aid programs, the need for activities that reduce and prevent high levels of acute and chronic food insecurity and malnutrition has not diminished,  and perhaps has increased, during the 18 months since the 2025 Executive Order to pause foreign assistance was announced.[xviii] It is also clear that addressing the underlying causes of food and nutrition insecurity is still important. Hopefully, USDA will hold true to this fundamental mandate of these programs. This will entail implementing these programs over a 5-year timeframe, in fragile geographies where shocks are frequent, among participants who are chronically poor and/or malnourished, while increasing peoples’ ability to cope with shocks, and producing outcomes that are sustainable.  If these are not the Title II mandate’s parameters for non-emergency programs, they run the risk of violating legislation..

Further Reading:

Food for Peace / U.S. Food Aid

Global Hunger, IPC, and Malnutrition

Country-specific articles relevant to your examples (Haiti, Ethiopia, Zimbabwe, DRC, etc.)

REFERENCES:

[i] Miolene, Elissa, USDA takes over Food for Peace with $452M World Food Programme deal, 29 January 2026.

[ii] U.S. Department of Agriculture, Food for Peace Notice of Funding Opportunity, Fiscal Year 2025, May 13, 2026

[iii] Miolene, Elissa, House locks Food for Peace into USDA with 50% commodity requirement,1 May 2026,

[iv]  These progras were known variously as Development Activity Programs (DAPs), Multi-Year Activity Programs (MYAPs), Development Food Assistance Programs (DFAPs), Development Food Security Activities (DFSAs) and Resilience Food Security Activities (RFSAs). There were differences between these programs, but those differences were not necessarily associated with the names given to them.

[v] U.S. Department of Agriculture, Food for Peace Notice of Funding Opportunity, Fiscal Year 2025, May 13, 2026, https://grants.gov/search-results-detail/362375.

[vi] Integrated Phase Classification, https://www.ipcinfo.org/ipcinfo-website/ipc-overview-and-classification-system/en/?__cf_chl_f_tk=vmmArOlbSf51oWrK_G0UqCVyP0w6jSuy9SVydqdsIlk-1783098737-1.0.1.1-XKb_PsSY1mVf1b2u8K3Udd85lbGsjDgfDcO0yyY9UrE,

[vii] https://borgenproject.org/kore-lavi-provides-food-security-in-haiti/; accessed July 3, 2026.

[viii] United Nations, UN News, Zimbabwe faces worsening food crisis due to El Niño droughts, 7 August 2024, https://news.un.org/en/story/2024/08/1152936.

[ix] IFPRI, Productive Safety-Net Program, https://essp.ifpri.info/productive-safety-net-program-psnp/, accessed July 3, 2026

[x] FANRPAN, Scaling up Resilience Design in Zimbabwe: Position Paper, https://fanrpan.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Takunda_CareSlideDeck-1.pdf.

[xi] Chitsa, Tanaka, Growing Hope: Community gardens flourish amidst El Nino challenges, 27 August 2024, https://www.carezimbabwe.org/growing-hope-community-gardens-flourish-amidst-el-nino-challenges/.

[xii] AVSI, Graduating to Resilience, https://www.avsi.org/en/graduating-to-resilience

[xiii] BRAC, Graduation Out of Ultra Poverty, https://www.brac.net/solutions/development/ending-poverty/ultra-poor-graduation/

[xiv] Abrams, William, Joshua Goldstein, Larry Reed, Carine Roenen, and Jean Francois Tardif, The Business Case for Investing in Graduation, September 2017, ultra-poverty.org, https://www.ultra-poverty.org/blog-post/the-business-case-for-investing-in-graduation/#.

[xv] Miolene, Elissa, House locks Food for Peace into USDA with 50% commodity requirement, 1 May 2026,

[xvi] U.S. Department of Agriculture, Food for Peace Notice of Funding Opportunity, Fiscal Year 2025, May 13, 2026,

[xvii] Miolene, Elissa, US Dept of Agriculture to reboot Food for Peace’s ‘safe box’ programs,

[xviii] The White House, Reevaluating and Realigning United States Foreign Aid, January 20, 2025, https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/reevaluating-and-realigning-united-states-foreign-aid/.

Mara Russell is a career programmer of Food for Peace Title II food aid including leading Food Aid Management, and spearheading CARE’s food aid for decades.

Book Review: Kiss the Ground by Josh Tickell

July 6, 2026   By Jim Phillips

Published in 2017, Kiss the Ground: How the Food You Eat Can Reverse Climate Change, Heal Your Body & Ultimately Save Our World, presents a compelling case for transforming modern agriculture by focusing on building healthy, productive soils through regenerative practices such as no-till farming, elimination of synthetic chemicals, poly-cropping, and holistic pasture management. Writing largely about experiences in the United States, the author, Josh Tickell, argues that shifting away from the industrial monoculture model toward diversified, no-till production systems that integrate grazing livestock can reduce pest problems, sequester carbon, improve the soil’s water-holding capacity, mitigate hunger and food insecurity, and decrease dependence on heavy machinery, fossil fuels, and chemical inputs.

The author interviews several pioneers of the regenerative agriculture movement who have successfully implemented these practices on their own farms and are experiencing significant economic and environmental benefits. He also speaks with scientists who discuss the rapid increase in atmospheric CO₂ and the acidification of the oceans, which threatens phytoplankton, the organisms responsible for producing more than half of the Earth’s oxygen. Tickell argues that replacing industrial monoculture with regenerative agricultural practices that rebuild soil can help reverse the accumulation of atmospheric carbon.

The book describes how modern agricultural practices and land development have degraded the world’s soils. Topsoil is lost each year because fields are often left without protective plant cover. The natural water cycle is disrupted when rain falls on compacted soils or impervious surfaces, causing runoff rather than infiltration. When land is left bare, it loses the evaporative cooling provided by plant transpiration, contributing to higher surface temperatures and eventually desertification Tickell notes that more than 23 percent of the Earth’s land surface has been degraded by desertification.

The author highlights the work of the Rodale Institute, which has promoted organic agriculture for more than sevendecades. According to the Institute’s research, organic farming can produce yields comparable to, or in some cases greater than, conventional agriculture while requiring lower overall input costs. Although labor costs may be higher, Tickell argues that this is largely because today’s agricultural infrastructure has been built to support industrial monoculture, with its dependence on chemicals, specialized machinery, and fossil fuels. With its rigorous certification standards and price premiums, USDA Certified Organic represents one of the important building blocks of regenerative agriculture.

Drawing on interviews with successful regenerative farmers, Tickell concludes that practices such as holistic grazing, no-till farming, diverse crop rotations, composting, and the application of manure can create healthy soils rich in microorganisms. These biologically active soils sequester carbon, retain more water, reduce erosion, and produce abundant harvests year after year.

Among the experts interviewed is Andre Leu, Director of Regeneration International and author of Growing Life: Regenerating Farming and Ranching.  Tickell also profiles several influential practitioners whose experiences illustrate the principles of regenerative farming.

Ray Archuleta, a conservation agronomist with the Natural Resources Conservation Service (NRCS), has long advocated for no-till agriculture. Through demonstrations and lectures, he illustrates how no-till practices improve soil structure, increase water infiltration and moisture retention, and reduce the oxidation of soil organic matter. One of his central messages is that intensive tillage with disk plows destroys the natural aggregates that give soil its structure. This disruption damages soil biology, increases erosion, reduces the soil’s capacity to retain water, and ultimately contributes to the degradation and desertification of farmland.

The Markegard family operates a ranch in northern California using rotational grazing and holistic rangeland management rather than concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFOs), where livestock are confined and manure accumulates in unhealthy conditions. Research cited from the Rodale Institute suggests that well-managed grazing systems can increase soil carbon, reduce erosion, and improve overall soil health. As livestock move across the landscape, they disturb the soil with their hooves, graze vegetation, deposit manure and urine, and distribute seeds before being moved to fresh pasture. These processes help stimulate plant growth and improve soil fertility.

One of the book’s most compelling examples is Gabe Brown, a North Dakota farmer widely regarded as a pioneer of regenerative agriculture and author of Dirt to Soil: One Family’s Journey into Regenerative Agriculture. Brown views his farm as a living ecosystem rather than simply a production system.

He compares soils from several different farming systems. One sample comes from a conventional farm that relies on synthetic chemicals and little crop diversity. Another comes from a farm that has practiced no-till for many years but still depends heavily on chemical inputs. In both cases, the soils are dense, compacted, and lacking healthy structure. Brown also examines soil from an organic farm that still relies on tillage. Although free of synthetic chemicals, the tilled soil crumbles into a fine powder and has limited ability to retain moisture.

Brown then contrasts these samples with soil from a four-acre section of his own farm where he grows squash, melons, peas, beans, and sweet corn. His soil is dark, rich in organic matter, filled with earthworms and mycorrhizal fungi, and remains moist despite the absence of recent rainfall. It forms stable aggregates that hold together rather than falling apart, allowing the soil to retain large amounts of water while storing significant quantities of carbon.

After harvest, Brown allows livestock to graze the remaining crop residue, naturally fertilizing the field with manure. Chickens are then brought in to spread the manure, consume insects, and contribute additional nutrients before the next crop cycle begins. This integrated system illustrates the regenerative principle of using livestock to restore soil health while reducing dependence on synthetic fertilizers and external inputs.

Overall, Kiss the Ground presents a persuasive and optimistic vision for the future of agriculture. While some of the book’s claims about the potential of regenerative agriculture to reverse climate change remain subjects of scientific debate, its central message—that healthy soils are fundamental to productive agriculture, environmental sustainability, and resilient ecosystems—is well supported. The book makes a strong case that rebuilding soil health through regenerative practices can improve farm profitability, enhance food production, conserve water, increase biodiversity, and leave the land in better condition for future generations.

Jim Phillips is on the Board of the World Hunger Education Service

Remembering Pat Kutzner, Founder of Hunger Notes

July 5, 2026   This publication, Hunger Notes, is produced by World Hunger Education Service (an independent, volunteer, non-profit) and both were created a half century ago by the force of will of Patricia (Pat) Kutzner (1930-2015) to fill a gap in public education about international and domestic hunger issues.  Today, 50 years later, the organization remains defined by her original vision, writing, editing, leadership, dedication, perseverance, and inspiration of others.

Origins:  In 1975, soon after moving to Washington, DC, Pat wrote a “Hunger Workshop Notes” report, on her  Smith·-Corona portable typewriter while sitting on the floor of the non-air-conditioned room at Trinity College near Catholic University.  At that time, Pat was asked to be the Episcopal Hunger Network’s liaison on the Interreligious Taskforce on U.S. Food Policy.  Soon thereafter she founded the World Hunger Education Service in April 1976.  She saw the need for an information clearinghouse and networking center.  Barbara Howell, Bread for the World’s domestic hunger specialist, and Bob Cory, director of William Penn House, the Quaker Center on Capitol Hill, were Pat’s co-founders of World Hunger Education Service.  In July 1976 WHES began routine publication and circulation of Hunger Notes in hard copy form to the wider public by subscription, while continuing to provide it under contract with the Episcopal Church Center in New York City for special distribution to the Episcopal Hunger Network.

“Hunger is not caused by a lack of food, but by a lack of power, justice, and knowledge. ” – Pat Kutzner

She was a member of the U.S. Delegation to the 1979 FAO World Conference on Agrarian Reform, where she pushed the delegation to keep the focus on poor and hungry people rather than bureaucratic process. Colleagues recalled her insistence on “the real human dimensions” of development.

PAT’s JOURNEY

Patricia Lou Kutzner was born January 27, 1930 in Billings, Montana, to Clyde Mondelle Kutzner and Nelle Pearson. Her upbringing in rural Montana instilled a lifelong affinity for rural communities, self-reliance, and service.

Pat’s life incorporated deep commitments to scholarship, service and the life of the Spirit.  She earned a BA from the University of California Berkeley in 1952 and a secondary education credential (1953). After spending a year in Bad Godesberg, Germany (1957-58), she earned an MA at Stanford University in German Studies in 1962 and a Ph.D. in German Studies in 1972.   During the 1960s she served as acting director of the Bridge Mountain Foundation, an “educational community” exploring mindfulness, human connection, and meaningful living.  She also served as manager of the Santa Clara Symphony Orchestra where she was involved an amateur violinist.

She moved to New York City to work on development education with the  National Program of the Episcopal and United Methodist Churches.  She realized that she was needed in Washington, DC, the center of policy, where she focused education to:

♥   humanize policy debates
♥   empower citizens with knowledge
♥   connect domestic and global hunger issues
♥   challenge structural injustice

When founding WHES, Pat was inspired by Art Simon and Bread for the World.

Former Board Chair Dan Shaughnessy remembers how “Patricia Kutzner was intensely devoted to the elimination of hunger. Her efforts were a prime example of the importance of advocacy for an essential cause.”  Dan further remembers:  “In those early years of WHES (1976 – 78) I was Associate Coordinator for Food for Peace at AID, and we would see each other at meetings, gatherings, etc. Then, in 1979, I was appointed by President Carter as the Executive Director of the Presidential Commission on World Hunger, and Pat asked me if the Commission could fund the second edition of Who’s Who in Hunger. I agreed and the Commission funded that edition in late 1979.”

In 1985 Pat traveled to Nairobi as part of a Quaker delegation observing the UN conference ending the Decade for Women.  Antonio Gayoso of the WHES board recalled how she constantly reminded government officials that “the objective of development assistance was to improve the lot of common people, who were usually powerless and often hungry.”  Antonio also remembered:  “We saw her eating plain bread when others had sandwiches. We knew she frequently did not have train fare to return home… Where others frequently jaded as time passed, Pat always kept the vigor and idealism of someone eternally young at heart”.

A chronology of Pat Kutzner’s role with WHES is catalogued by former editor, Lane Vanderslice, in this article.

AFTER WHES

After 20 years, Pat retired from WHES in 1996.  Since Pat’s retirement, the organization was led by Lane Vanderslice (editor) and board chairs Tom Zopf, Dan Shaughnessy, Margie Ferris Morris, and Peter Morris.

After traveling to New Mexico to participate in the FWCC Triennial Conference at Ghost Ranch in Abiquiú, she took some time to walk about and found her way to the Navajo Nation.  After retiring in 1996, Kutzner relocated to New Mexico, where she worked as a planner and trainer for the Torreon/Star Lake Navajo Chapter. She helped establish a local thrift store, the Eastern Navajo Arts and Crafts Festival, and erosion control and water conservation projects led by Navajo youth.

She settled in Cuba, New Mexico, where she would spend the rest of her life with her sheep, dogs and cats.  Pat spent 20 years building up the local Torreon/Star Lake  Chapter and the Navajo people of Eastern Navajo Agency. Pat served as the first Executive Director of the Torreon Community Alliance.  She taught adult education classes through the Crownpoint Institute of Technology (now Navajo Technical University). She assisted in the establishment of a community organization which evolved into an NM-chartered non-profit corporation to house community development efforts initiated by Torreon community members.

Patricia Kutzner passed away on December 8, 2015, in Albuquerque, New Mexico, at the age of 85.  Her memorial minute noted that “in living and in dying, Pat Kutzner’s life exemplified the path of enlightenment through selfless service.”

Further reading:

https://www.worldhunger.org/pat_kutzner_in_memoriam/ 

 

–Reported by Steven Hansch of WHES

In Memoriam: Pat Kutzner, World Hunger Education Service Founder

Nigeria’s Ongoing Nutrition Crises

July 4, 2026    In Nigeria, some 35 million people are projected to experience acute and severe food insecurity during the 2026 lean season, according to the most recent Cadre Harmonisé, representing the worst levels of hunger recorded in a decade.  The hunger crisis is worst in the country’s northeast, where an estimated 15,000 people in Borno State are at risk of catastrophic hunger.

In 2026, about 3 million children under five in Nigeria are projected to suffer from life-threatening severe acute malnutrition.  One million of these children are in the cluster of northeastern BAY States.  In addition to conflict and displacement, overcrowding, low maternal income and the use of infant formula are associated with a higher prevalence of wasting.  Nigeria has experienced near 30‑year‑high inflation, driven by rising food prices, supply‑side constraints, and exchange‑rate depreciation.  Food inflation has historically been the dominant driver of headline inflation.  The Government of Nigeria eliminated fuel subsidies and tightened monetary policy; these reforms may improve long‑term economic growth but have raised short‑term living costs.

Recently, displacement and flooding have also fueled cholera and measles outbreaks, with damaged water and sanitation infrastructure and low immunization coverage accelerating transmission.  In North and Central Nigeria, armed groups, rural bandits, and farmer-herder clashes have forced thousands of producers off their land, disrupting farming cycles and leaving large portions of farmland unused. Between 2022 and 2024, farmer-herder conflicts were recorded in 31 states, kidnappings in 10 states, and crop theft in 20 states. Over two million hectares of farmland in northern Nigeria are now inaccessible. 

this NE region borders Lake Chad where violence has increased.   UNHCR reports that more than 77,500 people have been displaced across the Lake Chad Basin since January 2026 as violence intensifies across Nigeria, Niger, Chad and Cameroon.  According to UNHCR, incidents of violence rose by about 80 per cent between January 2024 and April 2026.  Similarly,  nearly 1,800 attacks and more than 5,700 deaths were recorded between September 2025 and May 2026 alone, reflecting what the agency described as a deepening protection crisis across the basin.

The “maize belt” (Borno, Niger, Plateau, Katsina, Gombe, Bauchi, Kogi, Kaduna, Oyo, Taraba), which produces ~44% of national maize, contains nearly half of that unused farmland.  Between April 2024 and March 2025, Nigeria spent $2.39 billion on food imports, 11.6% higher than the previous year, despite government commitments to boost local production.

Nigeria’s population roughly doubled from ~95–97 million in 1990 to ~232–237 million by 2024–2025 (growth rate ~2.1–2.4% annually). The under-5 population surged similarly. Agriculture (now ~24–28% of GDP, down historically) has grown too slowly (~2–3% annually in recent periods) to match, leading to rising food imports, per-capita production shortfalls, and pressure on resources. Smallholder-dominated, rain-fed systems with high post-harvest losses cannot keep up.  Nigeria’s child population is so large that even a stable or slightly declining malnutrition rate can mean millions of children affected.

Stunting remained alarmingly high, ranging from 7.2% (Osun, South West) to 61% (Kaduna, North Central), while wasting was as high as 29% (FCT Abuja, Central).  Stunting (chronic malnutrition, measured as height-for-age) among children under 5 fell from around 42–45% in the early 2000s (e.g., ~43% in 2003 NDHS data) to roughly 37% in 2013–2018 surveys and around 31.5–32% in more recent UNICEF/WHO/World Bank Joint Child Malnutrition Estimates (JME).  The overall prevalence of anemia and vitamin A deficiency ranged between 55.2 to 75.1 % and 5.3 to 67.6%, respectively.

The World Bank estimated the number of impoverished Nigerians rose from 89.8 million at the start of 2023 to 104 million in roughly a year.

SOLUTIONS

The National Home-Grown School Feeding Program (NHGSFP) provides school meals.  The National Social Safety Nets Program (NASSP) Cash Transfer gives cash to poor households.  The Federal Government, with UNICEF and other partners, has committed $30 million to the Small Quantity Lipid-Based Nutrient Supplements (SQ-LNS) initiative, targeting 2 million children aged 6-23 months in high-burden states.

The U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization launched a $347 million Emergency and Resilience Plan (2026–2028). The strategy combines rapid agricultural assistance with long-term climate resilience, aiming to restore food production and reduce dependency on food aid for 12.6 million people across the north.

Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) runs nutrition projects in seven states in Nigeria: Borno, Bauchi, Katsina, Kano, Sokoto, Zamfara, and Kebbi. IOM tracks displacement and manages humanitarian hubs; UNHCR co-leads protection and durable-solutions work; Intersos and Helen Keller Intl operate where others have withdrawn.

Other NGOs with long-standing programs in Nigeria include Action Against Hunger, Partners for Development, Malteser, Christian Blind Mission, Save the Children, Plan International, and Catholic Relief Services.

  –  Contributed by WHES board member, Steven Hansch

 

On Resilience: What is Resilience in Anti-Hunger Aid?

July 1, 2026     This ongoing column in Hunger Notes was created to explore the fascination aid agencies have with the term “resilience,” which to some degree has replaced other broad, aspirational buzzwords like “development”, “sustainability,” and “empowerment.”  Like those other terms, resilience has become a goal of many aid programs, both development and humanitarian.  Yet, there has never been concensus about how to measure if and when resilience is achieved.  This is because resilience means as many different things as there are programs addressing it.

Food, nutrition and other anti-hunger aid programs have been under the banner of resilience for most of the last decade.  Today, the US Department of Agriculture is seeking inputs about its Food for Peace programming including lessons about the large “Resilience Food Security Activities”, or RFSAs whereby diverse NGOs aimed to foster resilience with food aid.  So, sharpening and clarifying the relationship between resilience and hunger is timely.

Key donors, including the European Union and US Government, as well as the Red Cross, tend to view resilience as “capacity under stress.”  The International Food Policy Research Institute and key advisors to the former USAID posited resilience as the ability of households, communities or systems to “withstand, adapt to, and recover from shocks.”

In practice, for any given program, what does this mean?  The EU representative in Juba, South Sudan, was very clear in defining resilience as the rate of acute malnutrition among children.  Other programs measure resilience as essentially being the same thing as sustainability (do the program’s outcomes or systems persist after the end of funding?).

When USAID had an office of resilience, it promoted resilience primarily in terms of household livelihoods, community cohesion and food security throughout cycles of drought and floods, measuring:

  • ♦  Resilience capacities (absorptive, adaptive, transformative)
  • ♦  Well‑being outcomes (food security, nutrition, income stability)
  • ♦  Shock severity and frequency
  • ♦  Longitudinal household surveys to observe recovery patterns.

The Rockefeller Foundation has defined resilience as the capacity of cities, communities, and systems to survive, adapt, and grow despite chronic stresses and acute shocks, and in this includes good, inclusive governance, leadership, and urban planning.

The Red Cross has been piloting resilience measures for many years, focusing on “risk” assessment.  It has developed a dashboard which measures resilience across 11 dimensions: disaster/risk management, health, water and sanitation, shelter, food and nutrition security, social cohesion, inclusion, economic opportunities, infrastructure and services, natural resource management, and connectedness. It allows resilience comparisons by community and by demographic categories such as gender and education.

These approaches to resilience are oriented largely toward relief-to-development programming, assuming recurring disasters at the population level.

“Resilience” is widely used but used differently for measuring ecological and environmental change as well as human psychology.  Meanwhile, engineers and architects measure resilience in precise ways such as structural integrity.

A decade ago, a large roundtable, or symposium, of 100 experts from government agencies, NGOs, and academia was held to share progress in measuring resilience.  The summary can be found here.  Among its conclusions:  “There are no single metrics. There is a need for evaluations to tell us what resilience is and what works. So far — “Resilience has been episodic and serendipitous through extraordinary people in missions.” (The symposium was hosted by American University, World Vision, Mercy Corps, Catholic Relief Services, the American Red Cross, IBTCI, the Wilson Center, and Management Systems International.)

USAID’s last resilience policy update, building on a legacy focused on disaster risk reduction, was updated in 2024, here  It covers a wide range of sectors and topics:  “USAID long ago recognized that resilience is not simply a food security issue; it is essential for managing risks across a range of goals across the areas of climate, health, peace, education, democracy and governance, poverty alleviation, and economic growth. While earlier resilience efforts focused on community-level programming, this policy emphasizes that we are also now investing more in host-country and local systems, with an eye toward development, diplomacy and policy solutions such as expanding social protection systems, enabling displaced persons to access jobs, and reforming national policies to better serve marginalized groups. So, what resilience means in practice will continue to evolve and will be revisited in this column.”

As the USG reboots its foreign aid, it will be challenged to define resilience more cleanly and usefully, or it will fall out of use.

 

The Politics of Hunger in America

June 28, 2026    by Nadira Kabir.     What the 2026 Primaries Could Mean for America’s Food Safety Net

As the United States moves deeper into the 2026 primary season, voters are beginning to choose the candidates who will compete in congressional, gubernatorial, and other state and federal elections. While debates over immigration, inflation, and the economy are dominating campaign rhetoric, another issue, one that affects millions of households every day, is increasingly shaping both state and national political agendas:  hunger in America.  Hunger policy rarely dominates election headlines. Yet decisions made during primary campaigns often determine which proposals ultimately become law, shaping access to food assistance long before voters cast ballots in the general election.

For decades, hunger policy in the United States has been rooted in public health, child welfare, and poverty reduction. Programs such as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC), school meals, and Medicaid form the backbone of America’s nutrition safety net, supporting millions of households each year. As primary races intensify across the country, however, these programs are increasingly becoming political battlegrounds, with candidates sharply divided over whether the safety net should be expanded, restructured, or reduced.

These debates are no longer theoretical.  In states such as Arkansas, new work and eligibility requirements tied to recent federal reforms are already taking effect, and some recipients have begun losing benefits as states implement stricter rules. The outcome of the 2026 primaries may determine not only the future of federal spending, but whether millions of Americans can continue to access food assistance at all.

Hunger in a America

Food insecurity remains a persistent problem in the United States despite declining unemployment and broader economic growth. Food banks across the country continue to report elevated demand years after the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, while grocery prices remain significantly higher than pre-pandemic levels. Millions of Americans continue to struggle to afford housing, healthcare, childcare, transportation, and food simultaneously.

For readers interested in the broader picture, see United States Hunger Facts and Statistics, which provides an overview of current food insecurity trends, who is most affected, and how hunger continues to impact communities across the country. These data help explain why nutrition assistance remains one of the most important—and politically debated—components of the nation’s social safety net.

The United States Government spends billions of dollars annually on nutrition assistance programs, yet hunger remains a reality for many households. The country’s anti-hunger system includes SNAP, school meals, WIC, and Summer EBT, which helps eligible families purchase groceries during summer months when children lose access to school meals.

School meal programs provide free or reduced-price breakfasts and lunches to millions of children each day, while Summer EBT helps families purchase groceries when school cafeterias close during the summer months. As discussed in Opinion: School Meals to Combat Hunger, these programs do far more than alleviate hunger.  They improve student health, attendance, classroom performance, and long-term educational outcomes, making them among the nation’s most effective investments in child well-being.  Yet SNAP remains the largest and most visible component of the nation’s food assistance system, making it a frequent focus of political debate and policy reform.

At the center of the current debate is the recently enacted national appropriation commonly referred to as the “One Big Beautiful Bill,” a sweeping federal package that supporters describe as an effort to reduce government spending, encourage workforce participation, and give states greater flexibility in administering assistance programs. Critics, however, argue that the legislation represents one of the most significant retrenchments of federal anti-hunger protections in decades.

Debates Over America’s Safety Net

Supporters of the legislation argue that stronger work requirements help preserve public confidence in social programs and encourage long-term employment. Many conservative candidates campaigning in Republican primaries have framed the reforms as necessary to reduce dependency on government assistance and restore fiscal discipline. Some have also supported restrictions on what SNAP recipients can purchase, arguing that publicly funded nutrition programs should incentivize healthier eating habits.

Critics contend that many SNAP recipients already work, often in low-wage jobs with unstable schedules and limited benefits. Anti-hunger advocates warn that stricter administrative rules frequently reduce enrollment not because families become financially secure, but because navigating the system becomes more difficult. Increased paperwork requirements, periodic eligibility reviews, and expanded work mandates can disproportionately affect older adults, caregivers, and workers whose hours fluctuate from week to week.  Supporters describe the reforms as a necessary modernization of the safety net. Critics see them as a significant rollback of federal anti-hunger protections.

Arkansas: An Early Test Case

Unlike many federal programs, SNAP is administered through partnerships between the federal government and individual states. As a result, policy changes debated in Washington can affect communities differently depending on where people live.

Arkansas offers one of the clearest early examples of how these policy changes are unfolding on the ground.

Updated state SNAP guidance now requires many able-bodied adults between the ages of 18 and 54 to work at least 20 hours per week or participate in qualifying employment and training programs to maintain benefits. Individuals who fail to comply for three months within a three-year period can lose eligibility for the remainder of that period.  While work requirements in SNAP are not new, recent federal changes expand who must comply and how aggressively states may enforce eligibility rules. Arkansas has also pursued additional restrictions on SNAP purchases, including efforts to limit the use of benefits for products such as soda and candy.  State officials argue these measures encourage workforce participation and healthier food choices. Yet advocates say the practical effect is often the loss of benefits among people who remain poor but struggle to satisfy reporting requirements or maintain stable work hours in difficult labor markets.

Early reports from Arkansas recipients and advocacy organizations suggest their confusion about these new rules, difficulty documenting compliance, and worries that eligible households will lose benefits.

Texas and the Challenge of Administrative Barriers

Arkansas is not alone. Texas, which serves one of the nation’s largest SNAP populations, illustrates another challenge in the fight against hunger: administrative barriers.

Even before the latest federal reforms, advocates and food banks in Texas raised concerns about application backlogs, eligibility reviews, and procedural hurdles that can delay or interrupt benefits for eligible families. For many households, the challenge is not simply meeting eligibility requirements but successfully navigating a complex administrative system.

Missing paperwork, technology challenges, or difficulties documenting work hours can result in benefit interruptions even when households remain eligible. Anti-hunger advocates argue that as states implement new requirements under the One Big Beautiful Bill, these administrative burdens may become even more significant.

Supporters argue that stronger accountability measures ensure taxpayer resources are directed appropriately and encourage workforce participation. Critics counter that increased reporting requirements often reduce participation without addressing the underlying causes of poverty or food insecurity.

Taken together, Arkansas and Texas illustrate the central tension in today’s hunger debate: how to balance program accountability with ensuring that eligible families can access the assistance for which they qualify.

A Familiar Debate with New Consequences

Hunger policy is no longer simply about food assistance. It has become a broader debate about work, health, fiscal responsibility, and the role of government in ensuring that Americans can meet one of their most basic needs.

The hunger policy debate reflects deeper philosophical disagreements about poverty and the role of government in American society. Some candidates emphasize personal responsibility and workforce participation as the best path out of poverty. Others argue that hunger itself undermines the ability to work, learn, and maintain health, making food assistance an essential economic stabilizer rather than simply a welfare program.

Historical context also shapes the current moment. Since the welfare reforms of the 1990s, American policymakers from both major political parties have increasingly tied public assistance to employment requirements. During the COVID-19 pandemic, however, many of those restrictions were temporarily loosened as employment and food security went down. SNAP participation rose during that period, helping many households weather economic instability.  Now, the political pendulum appears to be swinging back toward tighter eligibility rules and reduced federal spending.

Analysts warn that if SNAP participation declines  under the new rules, food banks and local charities will not be able to  absorb the increased demand on private organizations. Hunger relief organizations have repeatedly emphasized that charitable food systems cannot replace the scale or reach of federal nutrition programs.

At the same time, a growing bipartisan conversation has emerged around the concept of “nutrition security”, not simply ensuring that people have enough calories, but that they have access to healthy and nutritious food. Some policymakers see restrictions on sugary foods within SNAP as part of that effort, while others argue that limiting consumer choice risks stigmatizing low-income families without addressing the structural causes of poor nutrition.

At the same time, a growing bipartisan conversation has emerged around the concept of “nutrition security”:  not simply ensuring that people have enough calories, but that they have access to healthy and nutritious food. Some policymakers see restrictions on sugary foods within SNAP as part of that effort, while others argue that limiting consumer choice risks stigmatizing low-income families without addressing the structural causes of poor nutrition, such as food deserts, healthcare inequities, and low wages.

Looking Beyond the Primaries

As the 2026 primaries lead to mid-term votes, hunger policy is increasingly becoming a proxy for larger debates about the role of government, public spending, and economic opportunity. From Arkansas to Texas, states are already serving as testing grounds for policies that could reshape food assistance nationwide.

The decisions voters make in the coming months may determine not only the future of SNAP and Medicaid, but also the broader network of nutrition programs, including WIC, school meals, and Summer EBT, which support millions of American families.

Food banks and charitable organizations will continue to play a critical role in responding to need, but anti-hunger advocates consistently note that charitable food assistance cannot match the scale of federal nutrition programs.

In a country like America, of great wealth and agricultural abundance, what responsibility does government have to ensure that its people can afford to eat? As states begin implementing new policies, the answers emerging from these debates may shape food access for millions of Americans for years to come.

Further Reading

Cover image credit:  Bread for the World,  https://www.bread.org/article/what-does-voting-have-to-do-with-ending-hunger/

Water Insecurity and Malnutrition: An Overlooked Connection

June 24, 2026   by Kirsten Roe      Often, when people think of hunger or food insecurity, they may think about food availability (e.g., sufficient food), access (e.g., able to afford food or access it in the market), and nutrition (e.g., sufficient nutrients to prevent stunting, wasting, or obesity), as described by the 1996 World Food Summit.  However, researchers and international development practitioners are learning that water security might be essential to food security and prevent malnutrition

A June 2026 paper in Nature Food  found that people who lack safe drinking water are significantly more likely to experience food insecurity and food safety concerns (Bruine de Bruin et al., 2026). Drawing on data from 121 countries, the study demonstrates that water insecurity and food insecurity are deeply interconnected global challenges. While that conclusion may seem obvious when talking about more poor areas, the findings showed that even richer countries show a strong relationship between water and food insecurity.  The study found that insufficient access to clean drinking water is also associated with having inadequate food, more food safety risks, and challenges with nutrition.  This means that reducing hunger requires not only improving food access or availability but also ensuring reliable access to safe drinking water, sanitation, and hygiene.  There are several key interactions between water and food security. The first seems the most obvious: humans need water to grow crops through irrigation and livestock, thus providing food security. To produce sufficient food, people need reliable sources of water or the ability to store or use it efficiently through irrigation. Fruits and vegetables as well as livestock require more water compared to cereals and legumes. However, it is important that the water is also safe, since contaminated water can leave bacteria on crop surfaces and cause food poisoning as well as harming livestock. Even contaminants like heavy metals can be transferred through crops and livestock to those who consume them. With insufficient water for food production, there is both a total reduction in food produced, and a reduction of limited water needed for crop diversity.

Second, contaminated water can affect human nutrition by causing water-borne illnesses such as diarrhea, cholera, and parasites. Excessive diarrhea and vomiting can lead to short-term malnutrition due to not being able to keep food or water down while losing electrolytes and energy. It can also lead to long-term or chronic malnutrition through permanent damage to and inflammation of the intestines, causing a disorder called Environmental Enteric Dysfunction (EED). Children may eat enough calories and nutrients but may not be able to absorb them due to the damaged intestines. Repeated episodes of diarrheal disease, especially of children under the age of 5, can contribute to stunting, permanent nutritional imbalance, and impaired cognitive development (Gizaw, Yalew, and Bitew; 2022). A study in 2025 demonstrated that children drinking contaminated water had 3.3X higher risk of experiencing stunting compared to those drinking safe water (when comparing water that would be classified as unsafe based on the number of bacteria present) (Nugraheni et al. 2025). It is a vicious cycle: diarrheal episodes lead to insufficient nutrition, then intestinal damage, reduced appetite, and weaker immune systems, which can lead to more diarrheal episodes.

Third, safe water is essential for food preparation, both for cooking and hygiene. Water is necessary for many forms of cooking, but it is vital to have safe water to wash produce, cook meals, prepare infant foods, and eat meals with clean hands. Otherwise, there is an increase in disease risk. Even simple things like sanitizing toys and floors, ensuring animal waste does not get into the house, having animals remain outside the home, having concrete floors, and having suitable latrines and handwashing stations with soap can reduce diarrheal episodes. One study found that these actions can reduce diarrheal episodes and EED incidence and/or lead to linear child growth increases (Budge et al. 2019).  While combined WASH plus nutrition-specific interventions (such as IYCF, complementary feeding, etc.) show even more promise.

Fourth, older children and adults also endure effects from unsafe water. Sick adults may be weakened and unable to function for a period of time which can affect their own food security but also preventing care for young children such as farming or cooking. An indirect result occurs when adults get sick from contaminated water and are unable to work to earn money to purchase food Additionally, when someone is sick in the family, they may have to spend their income on health care, rather than being able to use funds for purchasing food or inputs for a farm.

In conclusion, increasing food availability or access may not be able to solve food insecurity or malnutrition on its own. As the figure shows, water and food insecurity can and should not be treated separately. Instead, international development practitioners should begin looking at integrated programs that combine water and food security.

See also:

World Bank. https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/agriculture/brief/food-security-update/what-is-food-security

Clark, G. and R. Egan. “Clean drinking water gaps linked to hunger and unsafe food worldwide.” Phys.org.

Gizaw, Z., Yalew, A.W., Bitew, B.D. et al. Stunting among children aged 24–59 months and associations with sanitation, enteric infections, and environmental enteric dysfunction in rural northwest Ethiopia. Sci Rep 12, 19293 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-022-23981-5

Nugraheni, Arwinda et al. “Investigating the Impact of Drinking Water on Urban Stunting in Indonesia.” Yonago acta medica vol. 68,4 306-314. 7 Nov. 2025

UNICEF/WHO, WHO/UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme (JMP) – latest reports (essential baseline data)

https://phys.org/news/2026-06-gaps-linked-hunger-unsafe-food.html