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The World Summit on Sustainable Development:  Poor People are Losing the Struggle over Money and Power to Developed Country Governments  

The divisions and struggles over economic policy and development at the turn of the century were reflected in the World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) in Johannesburg, South Africa, in late August and early September, 2002. The world community is caught up in an historical struggle over money and power in the new global reality, and as usual, those in poverty are suffering the most.

Like so many serious concerns at the domestic level, the Summit’s issues were driven from public attention almost immediately by the concerted U.S. campaign for war against Iraq. I do not believe this was accidental. Strategies for domination of the global economy have a better chance for success when the peoples of the world are distracted. In fact, the economic policies quietly but relentlessly pursued by the Administration reflect little interest in sustainable development, but rather demand secure access to and control of Iraqi oil and promise a future legacy of social unrest and violence by generating deepening poverty.

So what happened at the WSSD? Much that left advocates of global justice disappointed. Long hours of hard work seem to have gone largely into damage control– preventing backsliding, struggling to regain access to documents and negotiators, pressing to keep the specific goals and time-bound targets from being removed from the text, keeping the wealthy nations from removing all reference to the negative impacts of globalization, fighting against efforts to subordinate ecological and social goals to trade policy and macroeconomic considerations, rescuing key principles accepted 10 years ago in Rio, reaffirming the millennium goals on poverty, getting some small commitment to the development of renewable energy sources, and so on.

PLAN OF IMPLEMENTATION

The principal document approved by the governments at the Summit (available online at www.un.org/esa/sustdev/  acknowledges that there are serious problems for some nations and peoples in the contemporary processes of the global economy and urges the full and effective participation of developing countries in formulating the economic policies that affect them. 

But the document then proceeds to promote the privatization and trade liberalization agenda, calling for technical assistance to developing countries to help them enter more deeply and efficiently into the regional and global trading systems. 

There is no acknowledgment of or response to the strong NGO critique that the structures of the trading systems themselves are biased in favor of the rich, that they are actually causes for the severe problems plaguing the poor nations and peoples of the world. The Plan of Implementation does contain a breakthrough call for corporate accountability by implementing current intergovernmental agreements, developing international initiatives, forming public/private partnerships, applying “appropriate” national regulations and supporting best practices. It is a breakthrough because corporate accountability is now a high profile issue on the global agenda. This particular text, however, is a weak and fundamentally voluntary approach to corporate accountability, which deliberately ignores the fact that current intergovernmental agreements and national regulations have proven themselves inadequate for protecting vulnerable populations and ecosystems and achieving corporate accountability in this global economy. 

THE MILLENNIUM DEVELOPMENT GOALS (MDGs)

The MDGs, including “to eliminate poverty, improve social conditions and raise living standards, and protect our environment” are emerging as extremely important internationally. As specific time-bound targets with a deadline of 2015, they allow the calculation of benchmarks essential to their realization, such as relative amounts of debt relief, aid, investment, etc. needed per year. They deserve to receive much more attention from those committed to greater socioeconomic justice as instruments for calling governments to accountability. UN Secretary General Kofi Annan recently launched a campaign to achieve the goals by developing yearly progress reports and keeping the needs and issues in front of the global community. 

On the critical issue of energy, commitment was made to work together at all levels to improve access to energy for those in poverty– as an important element in working to meet the MDG of halving the proportion of people living in poverty by 2015. The statement on alternative/renewable energy expresses urgency, though all specific goals and targets were removed at the insistence of the United States, which withheld support for setting sanitation goals until the alternative energy goals were removed. There does seem, though, to be a basis here for a broadly global cooperative effort. Many nations are expected to announce their own goals for alternative energy production. The German government has extended an invitation to a world meeting on alternative energy next year in Bonn. 

TRADE

Trade policy and the role of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in global governance dominated the most difficult negotiations in Johannesburg. A commitment was made, again, to address the concerns of developing nations about implementing past agreements relating to their needs. Without any specific deadline or processes, it is hollow. The dominant governance role of the WTO was addressed by a call for cooperation on trade, environment and development between the secretariats of the WTO, the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), the UN Development Programme (UNDP), the UN Environmental Programme (UNEP), the International Labor Organization (ILO), and other relevant international environmental, development, and regional organizations. This is a small step toward drawing trade and macroeconomic policymaking back within the context of development and human rights concerns.

The United States and the European Union (EU), however, fought against any progress in addressing agricultural subsidies and export credits– which are among the developing nations’ most important demands. The $1 billion a day that rich countries provide– principally to ecologically inefficient corporate agribusiness– in agricultural subsidies and credits not only deny developing nations access to the market in agriculture– their primary export– but undercut local agricultural producers’ access to their own markets and hence weaken food security in the South. 

There is an immense and glaring contradiction in principle here. The wealthy industrial countries, while protecting their own subsidies legally (since they defined what was legal and what was not in the WTO), have used International Monetary Fund (IMF) Structural Adjustment Programs and a variety of trade agreements to prevent poor nations from providing similar subsidies for their farmers. The rhetoric about free trade and “level playing fields” is a smoke screen obscuring the immense advantages structured into place by and for the wealthy nations. There is an immense challenge involved in trying to get U.S. and EU citizens to look beyond what they see as benefits of these subsidies and to recognize their devastating impact on people in poverty and the ecology worldwide.

CHANGES NEEDED

The Plan of Implementation also calls for “fundamental changes in the way societies produce and consume.” Developed countries, whose consumption and production are unsustainable, must take the lead. The plan envisions “a 10-year framework of programmes in support of regional and national initiatives to accelerate the shift towards sustainable consumption and production to promote social and economic development within the carrying capacity of ecosystems . . .” (#14). The “polluter-pays” principle is reaffirmed (#14b,#18b), as well as the monitoring of environmental impacts; and companies are called upon to internalize the full costs of production.

The proposals will almost surely be ignored unless civil society organizations review and follow up on them with our governments.

The United States and Australia were isolated and rebuffed by a stronger than ever global consensus in support of the Kyoto Protocol on Climate Change. Secretary of State Colin Powell’s insistence that President Bush was deeply concerned about global warming drew unprecedented jeers and laughter from the governmental delegates gathered for his speech. The WSSD was an important event that occasioned valuable civil society networking, as well as attention to a set of issues not often discussed by leaders in global policy and practice. It was one more encounter in an ongoing global effort to discover the means of governance and processes of development that can carry us forward into greater peace and solidarity.

However, the United States is not playing a constructive role in this process. In the name of national interest, it is working to undermine all efforts to establish systems that can serve the global common good and the development of all peoples. The challenges are urgent and of very high stakes for those committed to justice in global solidarity.

There are many ways to follow up on the WSSD to contribute to its longer-term success. We can educate ourselves on the governmental commitments made in Johannesburg and request reports from the U.S. government on its efforts to implement them. We can keep raising the issue of global warming and press the Administration to show its concern in effective action. We can challenge the easy and usually hypocritical use of “free trade” rhetoric in order to bring the real concerns of people in poverty around the world before the U.S. public. We can learn more about the role of corporate agribusiness in the global food system and spread the information. We can review the more that 220 private partnership proposals agreed to at the Summit http://www.johannesburgsummit.org/html/sustainable_dev/type2_part.html

to see which ones we can monitor and hold accountable. We can look seriously at changing our patterns of consumption to make them more economically, socially, and environmentally sustainable. At present the world community lacks effective leaders capable of envisioning the global common good beyond competing national interests and pursuing it. Our leaders are too small-minded and our political systems too corrupted. Just and sustainable global development for all on the planet will only come from educating and organizing to generate the vision and the political will locally, connecting with other communities nationally, and networking globally. Future hope is in our hands– which is not such a bad place. We must embrace it with energy and hope.

Jim Hug, SJ, is the President of the Center of Concern. Reprinted by permission from the Center of Concern’s quarterly newsletter, CENTER FOCUS, Issue # 158, November 2002. This and other Center of Concern articles may be viewed at www.coc.org

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